Where does the Kurdish nationalism lead to?

Tue Jun 1 11:43:12 BST 1999

KURTULUS
On the road to independence and democracy
no. 30, May 1999

>From the war against the oligarchy to co-operation with it
>From the exploiting Turkey to a "democratic republic"
>From the 16th. century to the "8 points"

WHERE DOES KURDISH NATIONALISM LEAD TO?

Clarity at last! When creating clarity means to demand a solution, in
essence the denounciation of 15 years of armed struggle, then the statement
of the PKK leadership, "We are bound to the solution proposals of OEcalan",
has created this clarity. But is doesn't make clear a thing, it just
increases the theoretical and ideological chaos. Be it the 8 Points or the
last statement, they mean a denouniation of the entire ideological and
theoretical basis of the PKK and with such a denounciation increasing chaos
is inevitable. The 8 Points of OEcalan, the statement of Duran Kalkan, which
we published in our previous edition, as well as the statement of the PKK
leadership, published on May 7, they match. The picture which emerges is
sobering. The PKK must ask itself, without losing a second, where it's going
. The real issue is that, going beyond the search for peace and compromise,
co-operation is offered to the oligarchy also with the expansion to other
countries, to induce them to this peace. What was meant in the letter of
Duran Kalkan and our respons to it is clear and beyond discussion. But
together with the 8 Points, coming from Imrali, as well as with the
statement of the leadership council makes it all even more clear. Let's look
at them one by one. It makes sense to bring up the 8 points, published by
OEcalan on April 11, 1999, once again: "My statement to the public in Turkey
and in the world concerning the events: 

1. A continuation of the cease fire of September 1, 1998 with total
responsibility in all areas. 
2. A permanent end to the armed confrontations based on state measures
regarding peace and primarily an amnesty. 
3. Since the '90's, despite certain deviations, the democratic republic has
also become open to the freedom of speech for Kurds. Therefore it can be
seen as the basis for a peaceful solution for all the problems.
4. Under these conditions the PKK will prepare itself to be legalised within
the democratic system. 
5. Until the attitude of the new parliament and government is revealed, a
political action line will be adopted and determinedly applied under the
slogan of an active social peace, amnesty and fraternity. 
6. The support of all international peace and human rights institutions,
governments and parliaments relies on this basis. 
7. If such an application is developed as is predicted, then the UN, the EU,
the European Council and the AGIT (European Institution of Custom Union)
should participate as observers to this process. 
8. All the relevant state and private institutions, the political parties,
the media and the civic institutions in Turkey should know that for my part
the developments are in essence based on this. They should be aware that
their contribution is vital for our country and the democratic system.

In the beginning, because of the imprisonment, we approached this statement
with caution. But now that the leadership council approved this 8 point
proposal as well, it doesn't make much sense anymore to say that all this
was said under pressure. We said the following about OEcalan's 8 point
proposal: "OEcalan's proposals from prison are a US solution. At precisely
this point, a statement from the leadership council of the PKK regarding
this 8 point proposal is important. What does the leadership council say?
The leadership of a political movement must find its own way. Either
acceptance or rejection! Neither this, nor a similar policy in the name of
"tactic" can be defended. The defence of these proposals, tactical as well
as strategic, can mean only one thing: defending the solution of the USA.
This time, the statement that we will make use of the contradiction between
the USA and Europe, is meaningless. The solution of the USA and the
oligarchy will replace it." The solution of the USA was preferred. This is
not that astonishing. Regarding the line of the PKK, we have been saying for
a while that it has to make a choice. There are two possible roads:
continuation of the war for the liberation of Anatolia or uniting with
imperialism and the oligarchy and accepting their solutions. We have always
preferred the first solution, but there were many indications that the
latter would be preferred. That's why we said the following in the letter we
mentioned: The statements of the PKK-leadership after the arrest of OEcalan
were on the one hand calls to increase the war, but on the other hand they
were also an expression of inconsistency because they are not taking side
against imperialism and the monopolies. Although the USA are essentially
responsible, after OEcalan's arrest special efforts became apparent not to
touch the USA. This means: keeping, like OEcalan did, open the way for a
possible solution, coming from the USA. after Europe proved unable to
provide a solution. Now everything has to come to the open and it must be
discussed. When the PKK still wants a solution in a revolutionary sense and
in the interests of our peoples, it must provide clarity. In the 8 point
proposal, the definition "democratic republic" is used in relation with the
present regime. It is said that essentially liberties exist since 1990. Such
conclusions confirm the superfluity of the armed struggle. It's a
denounciation of the reason for its existence. The leadership council stated
its loyalty to these proposals. Its views and its policy did not change. On
the contrary, they have withdrawn. The repression was created by the USA and
Europe, and after not standing up against them, they have even promised them
to defend their interests, calling for a solution from their side. Now they
have even turned away from that. It has become evident that even the
theoretical words of "using the contradictions between the imperialists",
and "we are using the contradictions between the Turkish republic and
imperialism", are not according to the truth. In the OEzguer Politika of
April 23-24, Duran Kalkan told the oligarchy, in short: "deal with us and we
will support the expansion of Turkey in the Middle East and the Balcan".
Similar
words can  be found in the statement of the leadership council. Repeatedly
terms are used like "economical and political expansion to the outside" and
"internal and external development". "When the Turkish state reacts
positively to the trial, that is to say when it views the work of chairman
Apo as an historic opportunity in the direction of solving the Kurdish
problem and then steers into the direction of a democratic solution of the
Kurdish question, then this would lead to the total activation of the
Turkish potential, joining the Kurdish potential. Entering the 21st. century
, this would lead to the highest progress in democracy, social peace, the
stabilisation in Turkey on the highest level, as well as in external
economical and political expansion". (May 7, OEzguer Politika) We had our
doubts with the writing of Duran Kalkan whether or not it was the official
opinion of the PKK. Because the fact that a "national liberation movement",
not yet totally deviated from the revolutionary and Marxist-Leninist
principles, defends all this is something our mind did not want to accept.
Not everything said by the PKK is always totally serious, many things can be
said in the name of tactics, very different from each other but of no value
in practice. So the leadership council of the PKK stated that it thinks the
same as the oligarchy of Turkey, regarding its "economical and political
expansion abroad". This is very worrying. What does the PKK mean? What is it
defending, what about revolution and liberation? Revolution and liberation
have been left out of these statements which show common ground with the
oligarchy. In the writings of Duran Kalkan, the present situation in Turkey
is compared with the 16th. century Ottoman Empire. Defending the Ottoman
Empire of the 16th. century, recommending this to the oligarchy, and even
more, stating "your coalition with Israel and America is not sufficient for
an outward expansion, you have to fraternize with the Kurds as well", what
does it mean? Defending these thing means defending the ruling classes, the
exploitation, pillaging and expansion. It clearly means: let's participate
in every kind of repression inside the country and and let's participate
with imperialism in every kind of exploitation and tyranny abroad, just give
us amnesty and recognize the legalisation of the PKK and the Kurdish
cultural rights. It means, `we do not have any other demands'. There's
NOTHING to misinterprete, NOTHING to discuss. Those who claim something else
should read the 8 points, the writing of Duran Kalkan and the statement of
the leadership council again and again. It's clear for all revolutionary and
democratic people. It should be clear to all. Because it's impossible that 
a force which calls itself revolutionary takes the occupation of plundering
of the 16th. century as an example, recommending it to the oligarchy. The
history of the 16th. century is one of massacring peoples, it is a history
of tyranny. In the 16th. century, the Ottoman rulers changed the
Mediteranean into the Ottoman Sea. Many areas were occupied in the Balcan
and the Middle East. But during all these occupations, the exploitation and
cruelties in Anatolia itself expanded tremendously. The uprisings of Sah
Kulu, Sah Veli and Baba Zuenuen occured in the same period and they were
crushed in blood. The massacre of Yavuz Selim against the Alevites occured
in that time as well. The Ottoman rule, which Duran Kalkan recommends to the
oligarchy of Turkey is like that. The famous Kurdish collaborator Idrisi
Bitlisi also lived in that
period. And with his collaboration, he helped the Ottomans with their
expansion. Who will be the Idrisi Bitlisi of the expansion phase for the
oligarchy in Turkey, "just like in the 16th. century"? Is this what you are
defending? Is this your recommendation for the oligarchy? Expressions like
"Democratic Republic" and "freedom of expression for the Kurds" are no
longer criticisms, they have become words of praise, more or less. Paralel
to that, only a road to return is wanted. The struggle, waged until now, is
being denounced. Now the system is called democratic, there is only, just
like the USA are saying, a democratic shortage. Their struggle for democracy
can be continued through legalisation, that is to say within the system. And
there is one other problem, and that is how to get those who are in the
mountains down. And a solution was found: "general pardon"... A pardon is
granted, the weapons are put down, and jobs can be found for these people
within the system.Will they gain nothing at all? Of course they will gain
something. They will gain the same as was gained in El Salvador and
Guatemala, or maybe not even that! In all the countries where the guerrilla
movements laid down their arms, the oligarchies not even kept their promises
. They not even realised the necessary legalisation. Attacks were carried
out against the leaders of the guerrilla movements which were still beaten
back, intimidated and destroyed. It's striking and tragic: one of the points
of the peace accords between  the government and the guerrilla movement was
to "find jobs" after the guerrilla had put down its arms. But not even this
promise was kept. And the former guerrillas in El Salvador carried out an
action to force the implementation of this promise. And what more will they
gain? The Kurdish language? As we can see in the 8 points, the freedom of
expression for the Kurds exists already since the nineties. Just like the
oligarchy is claiming... The Kurds aren't oppressed at all. Everybody freely
speaks his language in his region or village. Even a Kurdish Institute
exists, foundations, Kurdish magazines... And even more, just like it is
written in the rapport of the National Security Council, the question of
self-determination can be solved with local leadership within the framework
of this glorious democracy, within this system. The HADEP has won numerous
mayor seats, so the leadership problem has been solved nicely within the
system. What the HADEP will do in the city administrations isn't important,
they themselves are leading... that's enough... You want to gather
experience, you want to see how the system is governed? Don't worry, there
isn't much to expect. All this is the  solution as proposed by the MGK,
TUESIAD and the USA, a solution which has been on the agenda for a long time
, and they only waited for an opportunity to implement it. The real reason
why the MGK (National Security Council) didn't ban the HADEP lies in the
implementation of this solution. Otherwise the MGK would never have allowed
the HADEP to particpate in the elections, granting them a few mayors. In
this respect, the 8 points, the writings of Duran Kalkan, as well as the
statement of the leadership council concur completely.  The contradiction
lies in the fact that the oligarchy, despite all the efforts of the PKK, all
its words like "we are not opposed to the sytem, we are neither against the
state, nor againts imperialism, recognize the Kurdish identity and we will
support every kind of expansion of the oligarchy internal and external",
continues with its own solution method in stead of starting negotiations. In
case it doesn't find a way out of this deadlock, this will lead to its
downfall. What about the liberation of the people, where are the revolution,
freedom, power, the people's methods, in these 8 points? This must be
answered. What does "Democratic Republic" mean? In what way have
exploitation and oppression ended? This must be answered. All these
questions and dozens of others must be answered frankly. Not answering these
questions means that a sham has been presented, aiming at nothing else but a
mistification of capitualation and collaboration. A lot has become clearer
because of the approval of these 8 points and the offer of collaboration to
the oligarchy. The deviation of the PKK is nearing its end, but it hasn't
ended yet. The fact that the oligarchy and imperialism are not accepting the
offer is in a way the last chance for Kurdish nationalism. It means that
there is still a chance to turn to a revolutionary line. Taking this chance
or not is equal to listening to the calls of the revolutionary movement till
now or not. Because, as we have often explained in our calls, this chance
cannot be grasped withing evaluating the line which was followed till now,
without giving up nationalism and pragmatism. 
What expanded in the 16th. century?
"The present situation can be compared wuth the situation in the beginning
of the 16th. century when the state prepared for expansion, for a leap
forward... The fact that the state of Turkey is in contradiction with
Kurdistan, that it is in conflict and in war, is surely an obstacle for such
an expansion. The realisation of such an expansion in the 16th. century
created the necessity to develop an approachment policy towards Kurdistan.
The approachment policy, developed then, paved the way for a longlasting
empire in the East of the Ottoman empire, based on certain relations and a
coalition between the Kurdish lords and Yavuz Selim. The realisation of this
expansion with success depends on the solution of the "Kurdish question", a
burning question for Turkey. When the oligarchy of Turkey draws a lesson
from history, like the Ottoman leaders, it can develop a policy according to
the situation of the day. When it takes the solution and the compromise with
the Kurds as a basis, uses the strength of the Kurdish nation and unites
with their support, it could achieve an expansion towards the East and the
South."

Duran Kalkan
member of the leadership council of the PKK
April 23-24, OEzguer Politika

They say: "The 16th. century was an era of expansion. At present there is a
similar opportunity for the state. We will be supportive in using such an
opportunity." Not a single word of these has anything to do with logic or
sense. Yes, the 16th. century was a century of expansion for the Ottomans.
They changed the "Mediterranean into the Ottoman Sea", they pushed forward
to the "gates of Vienna". No doubt at all. But a revolutionary, a patriot,
and even someone whose head isn't filled with the sophistic lines of the
history books, must ask himself: okay, but what was the price for this
expansion? What did the Ottoman Empire do besides expanding? Is it
legitimate to expand and occupy the land of other peoples in the process?

*
The 16th. century is also the century of uprisings in Anatolia. Because
while the Ottoman Empire "expanded", the bill for this expansion was
presented to the peoples of Anatolia. What was done? Taxes  increased
tremendously. The peasants, already starving, could no longer take it. They
were seen as third rank, they were humiliated and oppressed. The Turks were
called "Etrak-i bi idrak", headless, brainless Turks by the Ottoman rulers..
. The Kurds were seen as toys in the hands of the clan chiefs, "autonomy"
was granted to these chiefs, aiming at the highest possible gain through
them. In their eyes, Anatolia was a "festering wound". But they could not
oppress it, destroy it, and one uprising had to be dealt with after the
other.  

The 16th. century started with a rebelion. The rebellion of 1500 in Middle
Anatolia, led by the Derwish (mendicants) and cavalrists, was crushed in
blood in 1501. 
In 1511, the people in Antalya, led by Sahkulu, rebelled. He had organized
an underground movement. The Ottoman sent elite troops after him but Sahkulu
succeeded in defeating them. Later he pushed forward to Bursa. Then he
turned and marched to Konya, besieging it. From there he went further south.
Then he defeated another Ottoman army and marched to Sivas, followed by
another Ottoman army. Sahkulu's army, including the women and children, had
to fight. They were defeated and thousands of them were murdered. 
1512. Sultan Selim takes to trone and replaces his father, Bayazit II. 
In 1514 a Ottoman army of 140 persons marched against the Safawides in Iran.
On their way, the chiefs of all the villages and castles were murdered,
accused of being "kizilbas" (Alevites). In Caldiram, the army of Yavuz
Sultan Selim won the war. All prisoners of war were beheaded on the battle
field. While Selim led the march, he wanted to "cover his back". For this
reason he left behind some of his troops to "take care off the kizilbaslar".
40.000 Alevites were killed in Anatolia during this campaign. 
1515. The Dulkadiroglu Uprising crushed in blood. 
In 1519, Sah Veli again organised the people in the region of Bozak and led
an uprising. But this one was defeated before it could spread. 
1516. A group of Kurdish collaborators, led by Idrisi Bitlisi, is the
thriving force behind the founding of the Beylerbeylik (regions led by a
general-governor) of the Ottomans in Diyarbakir. Idrisi Bitlisi accompagnied
Yavuz Selim on his march to Iran. He was as much as his right arm in
Kurdistan. To buy the clan chiefs, he used the support of Idrisi Bitlisi.
These Kurdish lords demanded "autonomy" within the framework of the
Beylerbeylik of Diyarbakir, thus playing one of the major roles in the
massacres in Anatolia. 
1520. Selim dies. Succeeded by Sueleyman. 
1521. Occupation of Belgrad. 
1522. Occupation of Rhodos. 
1526. Occupation of the southern part of Rumania. The Ottoman Empire is
expanding in all directions, using its armies against other peoples. But
this could only be realised by exploiting the peoples of Anatolia dry.
Because the Ottomans required an income for constucting their luxurious
palaces and the endless campaigns of their armies. They took everything the
people had  through oppression, violence and weapons. That's the reason why
there was a succession of uprisings in Anatolia. The uprising led by Baba
Zuennuen was one of them. 
In 1527, the impoverished people of Bozok, a Ottoman governmental region,
rose up under his leadership. The people were poor and hungry, fed up with
the oppression, desperate... That's why the number of participants increased
quickly. The units of Baba Zuennuen caused great problems for the state
authorities. Sueleyman the Magnificent (1520-1566), even greated that way in
the occupied territories, ordered his Pashas to crush all uprisings. A
battle was waged near Kayseri. Baba Zuennuen's army defeated the Ottomas.
Many Ottoman leaders were killed. This was a painful defeat fro Istanbul.
They had to prevent at any price that the spark would cross to other regions
. As a new solution, the Emir of Malatya and his forces were sent against
Baba Zuennuen but the people beat back them as well. Then the general-
governor of Sivas was sent with even a bigger army, only to be beaten by the
rebelling people as well. In the end, the governor of Diyarbakir, Huesrev
Pasa, was given the command of the army. He was a Kurd who recruted his
troops from the Kurdish tribes. Again there were massacres, a scene where
Anatolia was now getting used to. Huesrev Pasa succeeded in crushing the
rebellion. When Mueneccimbasi, one of the history writers of the Ottoman
Empire, reported about the uprising, he wrote: "Huesrev Pasa came down on
them with his Kurdish soldiers and nobody escaped". 
In 1526, a new uprising was started by Kalender Celebi while Sultan
Sueleyman was on campaign in Europe, busy occupying the land of other
peoples. His reserve army, led by his great-vizir was sent to Anatolia. The
people defeated the Ottoman troops on the battle field. When the Anatolian
people, hoping for a new spark of resistance, heard about the victory, it
sided with Kalender Celebi. The number of troops went up to 30.000. But
there were "many games the Ottoman played" and Celebi's leading forces were
bought away with money and carreers, or neutralized. Kalender was left with
400-500 fighters and was defeated. Thousands were massacred. 
1534. According to some sources, an army of 200 soldiers marched to Bagdad,.
occupying it. 
In 1538, Aden and the remaining parts of Rumanina were occupied. 
In 1543, it was Western Hungary's turn. 
1553. Sueleyman the Magnificent had his own son, Ismail, killed. 
In 1563, he ordered the murder of another 5 sons. The expansion of the
Ottoman Empire, presented by Duran Kalkar as an example to the oligarchy,
went through a rapid phase during the era of Sueleyman the Magnificent, as
did the massacres in Anatolia. The ideologist of the Ottoman Empire and
Seyhnlislami (the highest in rank after the great-vizir) of Sueleyman the
Magnificent, Ebussuud Efendi, for example, ordered: 
Question: Is it allowed according to our faith the massacre the Alewite
society? Answer: Of course is the mass killing of Alewites allowed according
to our faith. This is the great holy war... Dying in it represents holy
martyrdom. And with such an animosity, and all kinds of cruelties, the
Alevite people were attacked. Just in the period of Yavuz Sultan Selim alone
, 40.000 Alevites were murdered by the Ottomans. This does not stand for
faith or religion, it stands for "progress" and "expansion", for "not
leaving behind chaos, while on a military campaign". It's the price for
expansion and development. 
1566. Sueleyman dies. Succeeded by Selim. 
1574. Tunesia is occupied. Murat III occupies the throne that same year. 
1595. Mahmut the III occupies the throne.

This is, in short, the 16th. century. The Ottoman Empire "expanded". Dozens
of countries were occupied, from Middle Europe to Middle Asia and North
Africa. On the other hand there were numerous smaller and bigger uprisings
which were crushed by massacres and bannings. Anatolia was transformed into
a real prison for the peoples. In a sense, the Ottomans, in order to expand,
first dealt with the peoples in Anatolia, oppressed and accused of being
"Alewites", "religious enemies", "tax evaders", or "challenging the Pasha".
It went so far that some historians wrote thet while the palaces were
swimming in wealth, the people of Anatolia were "eating grass". This was the
so-called development period.

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