El Salvador: New Guerrilla Movement

[kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu]

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at etext.org>
Subject: El Salvador: New Guerrilla Movements

RECOMPOSITION OF THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT IN EL SALVADOR

By Jose Gutierrez
 
We know that the original Farabundo Marti National Liberation
Front (FMLN) has split into two tendencies: the social democrats
(ERP-RN) and the democratic socialists (FPL-PRTC-PCS). However,
in response to state terrorism, the non-implementation of the
peace accords, and the continuing levels of poverty and misery in
El Salvador, there has been another less known but major split
within the Salvadoran revolutionary movement. The FMLN has split
into a third tendency: the marxist-leninists (new clandestine
organisations).
 
The ERP and RN (now Democratic Party) have virtually given up the
original ideas of the Salvadoran revolution, adopting instead a
very conciliatory line with the bourgeoisie and North American
imperialism. They are now against any form of revolutionary armed
struggle and defend the status quo, going to the extreme of even
forming political alliances with ARENA. The Democratic Party is
one more populist and nationalist party which does not threaten
the foundations of capitalism in El Salvador. Their leader,
Joaquin Villalobos, has lost all credibility before the
Salvadoran people and is now a strong advocate of the "free
market". Other left-wing critics see him as playing a key
political role in the new U.S. counter-insurgency program for El
Salvador.
 
The FMLN -- or what remains of the original FMLN -- has become
the main opposition party in Salvadoran politics. The FMLN has
also given up the original objectives of the Salvadoran
revolution and has adopted a conciliatory line with the
bourgeoisie and the United States, but their line -- democratic
socialism-- still remains a threat to their former enemies.
However, in the economic front, the FMLN's economic policies do
not seek to change capitalism but merely to reform it. Because of
that, the FMLN does not really constitute a threat to the
foundations of capitalism in El Salvador. As long as the FMLN
remains in the opposition, it fits nicely with the type of
political system the U.S. government wants to see in El Salvador:
"democracy", which in reality is nothing but a new type of
capitalist dictatorship with a pluralist face. This "pluralism",
however, does not extend to the marxist-leninist organisations.
 
The marxist-leninists are still considered "terrorists" by the
Salvadoran and U.S. government and even by the FMLN itself, but
the new revolutionary organisations are made up of ex-members of
the FMLN who disagree with the leadership of the FMLN. They
advocate armed struggle and the establishment of a socialist
society in El Salvador. These ideological differences originated
inside the FMLN as far back as 1983 and several groups actually
split from the FMLN before the signing of the peace accords in
1992 and these organisations didn't sign the peace accords and
therefore had no reason to disarm or to comply with the peace
accords. The new guerrilla movements operate in the most strict
clandestinity since both the CIA and the Salvadoran intelligence
services -- death squads -- seek their total extermination. That
is why some leaders of the ARENA party are publicly demanding
that the FMLN release a list of all FMLN commando units who
operated during the civil war. However, even if the leadership of
the FMLN complies with the intelligence services, by now the new
revolutionary organisations would have been re-structured so as
to make it impossible for their enemies to find out more about
them.
 
Currently, there are several underground marxist-leninist
guerrilla organisations in El Salvador and it is estimated that
all of these together would make up a guerrilla army even larger
than the FMLN itself, but the new guerrillas are also divided and
operating independently of each other. Their tactics have changed
too. Some guerrilla units do not take responsibility for their
actions, which leaves room for speculation and confusion in the
population. This is a major mistake. The Salvadoran people would
be more understanding of their actions if the urban
guerrillas would leave some kind of propaganda on the ground
taking responsibility for burning a bus, executing a policeman,
etc. Otherwise, the people think that the guerrillas are just
common criminals and the revolutionary movement has no political
impact. It actually justifies more police repression against the
left under the pretext that they are fighting organized crime.
What's more, the death squads often pose as left-wing guerrillas
in major operations of deception and psychological warfare. This
confuses and terrorizes the people. In the end, it is the police
and the state who win popular support.
 
So far only six revolutionary organisations have made themselves
public:
 
(1) Frente Clara Elizabeth Ramirez (FCER). The FCER is actually
the oldest and largest of all the marxist-leninist guerrilla
organisations. The FCER split from the Popular Liberation Forces
(FPL) in 1983 after the internal power struggle between Commander
Cayetano Carpio (Marcial) and Commander Ana Maria. The FCER
adopted a pro-Marcial position, a marxist-leninist political
line, and maintained the People's Prolonged War strategy. It was
opposed to "peace negotiations" and the "Government of Broad
Participation". 
 
The FPL has been active since 1970 and the FCER was actually the
metropolitan front of the FPL. As soon as the FCER split from the
FPL, it had to confront two enemies: the Armed Forces and the
FMLN. Their biggest defeat was the massacre of the San Salvador
Volcano in 1983 when the FCER lost 400 guerrillas in a surprise
attack against their camp. The Salvadoran Armed Forces bombed the
camp to the ground and troops invaded the volcano resulting in
the FCER having to withdraw from the area. Later on, it was
discovered that an informer in the FPL had given the army the
exact location of the FCER camp. This resulted in more conflict
between the FCER and the FMLN. The RN and ERP also ambushed some
FCER units, executing a great number of FCER guerrillas. The FCER
retaliated by attacking some FMLN troops and the conflict even
spread to the streets of Mexico City where FPL and FCER exiles
engaged in a very deadly covert war. 
 
The FCER also conducted successful operations against top
Salvadoran military officers, U.S. military personnel, and CIA
agents.
 
By 1988, it seemed that the FCER had been wiped out, but it
actually went underground to continue waging irregular guerrilla
warfare. In 1993, it surfaced again, taking over a radio station
in San Salvador and broadcasting a communique announcing their
disagreement with the FMLN and the so-called "peace accords" and
that they will continue the armed struggle against Yankee
imperialism and the puppet ARENA regime for a socialist homeland. 

(2) Frente Revolucionario Salvadoreno (FRS). The FRS first
appeared in 1993 by issuing some communiques denouncing the
"peace accords" as a farce, the leadership of the FMLN as
traitors, and threatening to continue the armed struggle. The
same year, the FRS burned some buses in the capital leaving FSR
propaganda on the street. The FSR also threatened to kill Joaquin
Villalobos for "selling out the revolution" to Yankee
imperialism.

The emergence of the FSR caused controversy in El Salvador. The
ERP swiftly accused the FSR of being a "CIA front". Juan Ramon
Medrano, member of the ERP and official spokesman of the FMLN at
the time, said that the FSR was a ghost group led by the American
journalist Bruce Jones and his personal assistant. Bruce Jones is
a very well known CIA agent who was very active in supporting the
Contras in Nicaragua. Medrano also suggested that the FSR didn't
really exist, but that it was just propaganda from the Salvadoran
counter-intelligence service to destabilise the peace process. 
 
However, during 1994 and 1995, the FSR has been very persistent
in denouncing the Salvadoran government for violating the peace
accords, criticising Joaquin Villalobos and the leadership of the
FMLN for betraying the revolution, calling for armed struggle
against the regime, and announcing that the PNC are now military
targets of the FSR. Psychologically, the FSR has played a major
role in questioning the outcome of the peace accords and the
status quo in El Salvador, but, in actual practice, the FSR has
been more talk than action. Because of the ERP allegations that
the FSR is a "CIA front" and its lack of action, the FSR does not
have much credibility in El Salvador. Recently, it called upon
the rest of the guerrilla groups to unite in a front to fight the
common enemy.

(3) Comando Revolucionario Jesus Rojas (CRJR). This group seems
to be a recent split from the FPL. It could be made up of ex-
members of the FPL who disagree with the outcome of the peace
accords and who advocate armed struggle to achieve socialism in
El Salvador. It has issued several communiques, but it has not
carried out any major military operation -- at least none for
which they have taken responsibility. 

(4) Unidad Guerrillera (UG). This group is made up by ex-members
of the ERP and RN who are in disagreement with the social
democratic line adopted by these organisations. Most of them were
expelled by Joaquin Villalobos in an internal purge prior to the
signing of the peace accords. The UG adheres to the original
marxist-leninist line of the ERP-RN and it also advocates armed
struggle as the only alternative for revolutionary change in El
Salvador. They consider Joaquin Villalobos as the biggest traitor
of the Salvadoran revolution. The Unidad Guerrillera operates
mainly in the regions of Morazan and Usulutan.

(5) Voz Popular Revolucionaria (VPR). One of the two most recent
groups to come out into the open. They made their presence felt
in the capital, San Salvador, just last week when they
intercepted and burned three buses in protest of the increase in
bus fares. They also issued communiques calling for more militant
action. 

(6) Frente Revolucionario para la Defensa del Pueblo (FRDP). The
latest group to announce its existence. It seems to be a group of
"self-defence of the masses", a shock guerrilla unit to confront
the army and police when the latter intervenes to repress the
people in demonstrations, industrial strikes, etc. 

I suspect that many more clandestine revolutionary organisations
will announce their existence when the times comes up. The new
revolutionary organisations are armed and very well organised.
Their methods of work are now much more sophisticated, all the
experience accumulated during decades of war. 
 
Within a few years, as long as the different guerrilla
organisations unite, they will be in a position to confront the
armed forces on an equal basis. The current political situation
is leading in that direction. The policies of the ARENA
government are creating more poverty and misery in El Salvador,
more polarisation between the rich and the poor, and the current
repression by the army and police against the left will escalate
the conflict to the point of civil war. 
 
I would predict that by the year 1999, after the FMLN loses the
elections again, we will see the beginning of a more brutal and
bloody civil war in El Salvador. The FMLN and the Democratic
Party are not the alternative for the people. Their reformist
rhetoric and pro-capitalist economic policies will not alter,
reform, or change the power of the oligarchy and the
multinational corporations. Poverty and repression will only make
people desperate and the new guerrilla organisations will attract
great numbers of recruits to the movement.

However, as expected, the U.S. will see the new developments with
great concern and will intervene again on behalf of the ruling
elites. The FMLN will have to decide on which side to fight. I
predict that the leadership of the FMLN will remain in their
comfortable positions, while great numbers of the rank and file
will continue splitting from the FMLN and joining the new
guerrilla organisations. And the war will last for decades until
the United States is defeated, forced to withdraw, or the
guerrilla movement is completely exterminated. But there won't be
peace unless there is a radical change of society and by this I
don't mean "reforms" but a complete overhaul and re-structure of
society.
 
** End of text from cdp:reg.elsalvador **


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